ЗНАНИЕ ШЕЖЕРЕ И ИДЕНТИФИКАЦИЯ НА УРОВНЕ РОДО-ПЛЕМЕНИ

Особую ценность им придает содержащиеся в них, с различной степенью подробности, комплекс сведений о названии родов и племен, о географических названиях, о знаменательных исторических событиях в истории того или иного племени. Во многих шеджере имеются описания границ вотчинной (родовой) территории, указывают причины вхождения в состав московского государства и на то, чем платили ясак различные роды (юрматынцы – куницей; бурзяны, тамьяны, кыпчаки и усерганы – лисой, лошадьми, куницей и деньгами; минцы – куницей и медом; иряктинцы – выдрой, медом, куницей, белкой и деньгами).

Важное значение сыграли содержащиеся в шежере башкир политико-правовые сведения. Еще в XIII в. на территории Исторического Башкортостана сложилось уникальное политико-правовое поле. Башкиры, находясь в составе Монгольской империи, Золотой орды, сохраняли собственные политические и социальные институты власти и элементы автономности – сохранение институтов власти (ханы, бии, советы старейшин), внутреннее самоуправление, вотчинное землевладение. Это и предопределило историческую роль и значение башкирских родословных. На протяжении многих столетий родословные имели юридическую силу. Особенности политико-правового положения башкир были перенесены и на их взаимоотношения с Москвой, после вхождением башкирского народа в состав российского государства. В башкирских родословных нашли отражение процесс принятия башкирами русского подданства, закрепление русским царем за башкирскими предводителями различного рода привилегий, земель, сословного статуса и т.д. В составе российского государства башкирские родословные фактически являлись юридическим документом регулировавший поземельные отношения в Башкортостане, фактически они составлялись с целью охраны вотчинных привилегий башкирских родов.

Башкирские родословные сохранили для нас ряд родовых признаков: юрматынцы, например, своим родовым деревом считали иву, птицей – балабана, тамгой – «вилы», боевым кличем – «Ак тюбя!»; у кыпчаков боевой клич – «Туксаба!», дерево – вяз, птица – беркут, тамга – арабская буква «даль», у минцев дерево – береза, птица – ястреб, боевой клич – «Алач!», тамга – «пара ребер».

То, что этническая общность не обязательно основана на реальных родственных отношениях и генетически детерминированном поведении, было подчеркнуто и убедительно доказано многими исследователями, среди которых выделим Л.Н. Гумилева, Э. Эриксона, Н.Г.Скворцова и других. (Гумилев Л.Н. Этногенез и биосфера земли. – М.: ТОО Мишель и К, 1993; он же: Этносфера: история людей и история природы. - СПб.: ООО «Издательский Дом «Кристалл»», 2002; Eriksen T. Ethnicity and Nationalism. Anthropological Perspectives. L., 1993; Скворцов Н.Г. Проблемы этничности в социальной антропологии. - СПб.: Изд-во С.-Петербургского университета, 1997.). Общее происхождение или общность своих начал в случае с современными этно-нациями – действительно верование, миф, тем не менее, генетико-биологическая сторона, как неоднократно подчеркивалось исследователями, постоянно присутствует в этническом сознании. Тем более на уровне рода и племени как первоосновы того или иного народа.

Основной особенностью кочевого общества являлось совпадение хозяйственной и военной единица. Каждый башкирский мужчина был подготовлен и имел соответствующее снаряжение для участия в военной акции (оборона, военная компания и т.д.). Это отличало их от крестьян-земледельцев которые не только не имели соответствующих навыков, но и не имели на то права. Именно по племенному признаку башкиры формировали воинские подразделения и в конфликтах с соседями и в период вооруженного сопротивления колонизации края в XVII – XVIII в. и в период борьбы за свою республику в 1917 -1921 гг. В войске А.З.-Валиди были отряды, сформированные по территориальному (Туксоранский, Аргаяшский) и этническому (табынский, тамьян-катайский, кипчакский, кошчинский, тангаурский, юрматынский и т.д.) признакам.

Особенно много родоплеменных параллелей имеются между казахами и башкирами. Находясь в сфере степного геополитического пространства, в этногенезе этих народов участвовали многие тюркско-монгольские племена. Среди этих параллелей отметим многолюдное башкирское племя "тамьян" (в основном проживат в Абзелиловском и Мелеузовском районах РБ), а у казахов племя "тама" в составе племенного союза Младшего жуза. Башкирское племя байлар (их потомки ныне проживают на территории Челнинского, Сармановского, Бавлинского и других районов Татарстана, Ермекеевского района Башкортостана) находилось в этническом окружении (возможно, в составе) башкир Усерган. Этноним байлар зарегистрирован и в составе казахского племени Кунграт Старшего жуза. На протяжении нескольких столетий башкиры племени усерган (муйтен) жили в непосредственном соседстве с казахами Среднего и Младшего жуза и считаются родственными казахским аргынам - древнему и крупному казахскому племени. В составе башкир-бурзянцев имеется древний род байулы, родственный жагалбайлинцам Младшего жуза. Башкирско-казахские этнические параллели можно обнаружить и в рамках целого ряда других племен и родов: гэре, гарей (у башкир) - керей (у казахов); катайцы (у башкир) тесно связаны с найманами (у казахов); канглы, кошсы, кыргыз и другие имеются и среди башкир и среди казахов. Отметим и такой важный аспект: значительную долю башкир и казахов составляют потомки больших племенных объединений табынцев (кара-табын, барын-табын, теляу, бадрак, таз и дугие), некогда входившие в единое государственно-политическое образование и кипчаков (карагай-кипчаки, гарей-кипчаки, кара-кипчаки, бушман-кипчаки).

Активные башкиро-казахские контакты происходили в XVIII - XIX вв. Данному процессу способствовало сближение их этнической территории, вызванное событиями казахско-джунгарской войны, когда значительная часть казахов была выдавлена джунгарами из районов Семиречья, Южного Казахстана в западном и северо-западном направлении - к границам кочевий калмыков и башкир, а также присоединением Младшего Жуза казахов к русскому государству. Ряд родоплеменных объединений имеет названия этнонимического характера, которые относятся к казахам. Это видно по этнониму "казах", который зафиксирован в народных преданиях и легендах башкир, в родовых подразделениях, антропонимах и т.д. Этноним "казах" отмечается в составе башкирских племен бурзян - 11 раз, усерган - 9, тамьян - 4, тангаур - 2, кыпчак - 4 раза.

Каждый народ в силу объективных причин, своеобразия исто­рического пути развития, сложившихся условий материальной и ду­ховной жизни имеет свою специфику, свои особенности. Эти специ­фические особенности, закрепляясь обычаями и традициями, переда­ваясь из поколения в поколения, фиксируются в нормах культуры, накладывают отпечаток на развитие и формирование духовного мира его представителей. Указанные особенности формируются в течение длительного исторического периода и слагаются, подобно мозаике, из различных по происхождению этнических подразделений – родов и племенных объединений (ырыу, ара), участвовавшие в этногенезе того или иного народа. Неслучайно исследователи этнических процессов подчеркивают, что родственно-генетические связи более соответствуют племенным группам с устойчивыми кровнородственными связями и привязанностью к локальной группе. (Smith A. Nations and nationalism in a global era. Cambridge (Mass.), 1995. - P. 53.). Во все времена некоторые привязанности человека, как отмечает исследователь К. Гирц (Geerts), вытекают из ощущения естественного родства, а не из социальных взаимодействий. Это относится, прежде всего, к этническим связям и отношениям, что придает им характер примордиальных (Geerts C. The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New States // Geerts C. The Interpretation of Cultures. New York,1973. - Р.255-310.), т.е. через то, что предшествует сознанию человека, через природное. Этнические различия в современном обществе, традиционные этнокультурные ценности, этнические чувства являются важнейшими индикаторами, обуславливающими направленность поведения и личности и той или иной общности, влияющими на их самоидентификацию в окружающем пространстве.

Родословные, содержащие в себе комплекс генеалогического, этнографического, исторического материала, представляют собой уникальный и ценный источник в истории башкирского, казахского и других тюркских народа. Они являются исторической памятью народа, записью того, что люди помнили о своих предках и передали своим потомкам. Тесно связанное с этим исследования, направленные на изучение истории формирования и последующего развития различных этнических (родо-племенных) и этнотерриториальных групп наших народов, анализ их этнической истории, приобретших в результате исторического развития некоторые специфические черты (в материальной культуре, языке (диалекте) и т.д.) несомненно, окажется полезным для понимания особенностей истории формирования и казахского и башкирского народов, других тюркских народов, приоткроет перспективы дальнейшего развития тюркского мира.

“Sezhere” is an Arabic word which means “tree”. Each Kazakh men had to – and has to – know his male ancestors back to seven generations. The written genealogical tabulations help them to remember. These tabulations had three types: family sezheres, clan sezheres and tribal sezheres. Their main significance of them lies in the fact that – together with the written or told legends accompanying them – they can help in establishing the time when the name of a certain tribe, clan, ethnic group –assimilated for our days – appears among the names of a Kazakh tribal confederation. By this, the sezheres can give enormous help for the recreation of the Kazakh history, especially in the terms of genealogy. The genealogical researches just get fashionable in the East-European countries. Those professional and amateur historians of these countries, who deal with it and try to recreate with grave difficulties their family trees forgotten long ago, would be glad to have such reference documents at their disposal.

After the declaration of the Kazakh independence in 1992 the research of the Kazakh past became free. Many sezhere-books were published. In 1993, the editor of the Torghay Newspaper, Sagyyndyk Mirkalijev wanted to publish the sezheres of the tribes living in Torghay. As he wrote:

“There is a Kazakh saying: That man who does not know his seven male ancestors is counted to be illiterate.” So the Kazakhs need sezheres, genealogical tabulations in our days.

So the Torghay Newspaper introduced the Madiar (Magyar) tribe of Torghay in 1993. It was a great luck that it came out. The above mentioned sezhere-book was never published, because of the early death of the editor, Sagyndyk Mirkalijev. Here we can only cover some aspect of this large tribal sezhere, supplementing it with other data which the Kazakh-Magyar expedition (its members: Babakumar Khinayat, Mihály Benkő) collected on the Sarykopa in 2002.

Once the Magyar tribe was the third largest one among those Argyn tribes who were living on the Sarykopa. The elders tell about 700 families. The written data of a census from 1847 told about 375 yurts with 1654 men. The number of the yurts diminished to 240 for 1866. The expedition of Tibor Tóth found 185 families on the scene, in 1965, and the expedition of András Bíró only 116 families in 2005. The reason of this abruptly falling number was the enormous loss of blood suffered by the Argyn Magyars of the Torghay district from the beginning of the Tsarist colonization, in the 19^th–20^th Centuries. They were exterminated both by Tsarist punishing expeditions, and by the Stalinist terror. The ideological leader of the Alas independence movement, Mirzhakip Dulatov was a member of the Aitkul clan of the Argyn-Magyar tribe. He even used the pseudonym “Magyar” when he signed his articles. After he had became martyr of the Stalinist times in 1935, because of him, not only “the tree of the Aitkul clan lost many of its flowers and leafs” as the large sezhere of Sagyndyk Mirkalijev tells,, but the Argyn-Magyar tribe as a whole became a group of enemies of people, with the expectable consequences.

According to the Argyn-Magyar sezheres known by us Magyar derived from Tokal Argyn (“hornless” Argyn from a second wife, so, from left hand.). According to the symbolic of the Kazakh sezheres it meant that the Magyars were relatively newcomers in the Argyn tribe confederation. Their joining with the Argyns can be put to the end of the 17^th Century or to the beginning of the 18^th Century.

The sezhere of Sagyndyk Mirkalijev [B. Khinayat – M. Benkő, 2007, 35–62] introduces the six clan of the Argyn-Magyar tribe: Abuz, Aitkul, Akbai, Boz, Kalmambet, Seru. The material is abundantly coloured by stories, anecdotes. We can read about heroes who saved their relatives during fights; about soldiers, state officials, about famous wise men in it. However, we often find such expressions in the text: They all deceased in the course of the great fame in 1933, their name disappeared.” “After getting out of the children’s home, he disappeared, his fate is unknown.” “They have no descendants”. “Their descendants were shot, hanged, or they died from starvation” “Aitkozsa had many male descendants, they were all cruelly executed at the time of the Batpakkara uprising.” “He fall in the Great Patriotic War, he has no male descendants”. The sezhere of Sagyndyk Mirkalijev gives us a picture about the cruel past and fate of the Argyn-Magyars of the Sarykopa in the 19^th–20^th Centuries. Whole generations are missing from this large sezhere which even so contains about 2000 names.

We also collected “oral history”, in other words: legends on the Sarykopa in 2002. Here I introduce one of the most interesting legends we had heard. [M. Benkő, 2003, 123-125].

Zaugashti had three sons: Aldiar, Kudiar and Magyar. Kudiar had only a few descendants, his line was absorbed by the Magyar branch.

Aldiar was the eldest of the three brothers. He was a diligent and skilful animal-breeder. He was always the first who moved to the winter quarters or back to the summer quarters. His younger brother, Magyar, became vizier (judge) in his tribe. Once it happened that a poor woman named Karakölke from the Kulkhai clan had appeared in the aul of the two brothers. His first husband had died. Then, according to the nomadic customs, she had become the wife of the younger brother of the late husband. Her second husband also died. The mother-in-law of the young woman begun to hate her and chased her away from her aul. Then she moved into the aul of Aldiar and Magyar and lived there as a slave. She was strong, diligent and beautiful, so both brothers fall into love with her. They noted that when she was pissing, her urine crumbled the soil. According to the beliefs of the Kazakhs this meant that the woman had a strong womb. So, Vizier Magyar wanted to marry Karakölke as his second, or third wife.

Once it happened that Aldiar had arrived earlier to the summer quarters than his brother, Magyar. After this event the slave-woman did not come to the yurt of Magyar any longer. Magyar vizier asked his first wife, why that woman hadn’t come? His wife answered that her brother-in-law had married Karatölke ceremonially on a wedding. Then Magyar said to his brother the followings:

Now, Taz, (literally means: lousy, with sore head) you were too quick for me and succeeded in marrying this woman before me! I wish she would bear for you a strong son.

Really, a son was born at Aldiars nine months later, who was named Zhanzak. This was the name cried into the ears of the new-born child. It is also true that Zhanzak became a very strong boy.

Once it happened that Shaksak Zhenibek Khan (born in Torghay in 1693) organised a large feast for the Central horde. It happened so that none of his wrestlers could defeat the champion of the Small Horde. Then Zhenibek Khan uttered bitterly the following words:

• 
  So, the women of the Central Horde did not bear sons?
  
• 
  Then Zhakzak stood up and said:
  
• 
  I defeat the giant of the Small Horde!
  

• 
  I can press out oil of the Saksaul trees having been dried in the desert for three years!
  

In the 1720-ies the Kalmuks were chased away from the Kazakh steppes. That time – maybe, still in the lifetime of Vizier Magyar – the influential men of the region had assembled for a consultation about the distribution of the territory. The number of the descendants of Aldiar and Magyar and also that of their breed animals were increasing continuously and steeply. Both tribes moved up to the North, into the Torghay-basin and they have been living there up to recent times.

This legend gives us a picture about the moving of the Aldiar and Magyar tribes into the Torghay Basin. It tells the time and the reasons. They were most probably moving to the North together with Kipchak tribes and separated from them in the Torgay Basin, staying there. According to Sejitbek Nurkhanov Magyar-Kipchaks can also be found in the Torghay Basin. There is one more interesting fact. The other name of the Aldiars – Taz – is an ancient Kipchak name [Zuev 2002, 71], which is also known as a village name from the Kun regions of Hungary (Tazlar). The Kara-Kipchak branch of the Kipchak tribe federation – the Sagal Kipchaks, the Kulan Kipchaks and the Madžar-Magyar Kipchaks arrived to North-Eastern Kazakhstan, into the region of the Irtish River in 1728, in other words eight years after the arrival of the Magyar and Aldiar clans into the Torghay District.

In 2006 I had an opportunity to take part in a Kazakh-Magyar common expedition directed to Western Siberia (Russia, Omsk Region, Russkaja Poljana district, to the village of Celinje and Kara Tal aul). The two Kazakh members of our expedition were: Aibolat Kushkumbayev, professor of history, and Babakumar Khinayat, the deputy director of the Kazakh Central State Muzeum (Almaty). We were lucky enough to find and collect three large tribal sezheres: the sezhere of the Magyar-Kipchak tribe itself, and two Kara-Kipchak sezheres, one from the 60-ies of the 20^th century with Russian letters and one from the 30-ies of the 20^th century still with Arabic letters. Both ones include the data of the Magyar-Kipchak tribe too. The most precious one among these find is the eighty years old Kara Kipchak sezhere written with Arabic letters, which we could borrow from the owner and could make coloured copies of it. This way we saved it for the scientific studies.

The Kara-Kipchak sezhere with Arabic letters, (further on: Omsk sezhere) is written on the pages of a copybook made for bookkeepers might well be the “last Mohican” of those Kara-Kipchak sezheres, which were so much wanted by the administration in the period of repression and were burnt on bonfires. As we were told by our host in Celinje, keeping sezheres was severely punishable activity under the Stalinist rule, when enormous amount of Kazakh documents were destroyed – sometimes together with their keepers – by the Soviet administration. In the years of 1937–1940, members of the state security service wandered around the Western Siberian villages where Kazakhs lived, and asked everybody: Who keeps ancient Kazakh documents? If the questioned person could not name anybody, then he himself was arrested. A famous Kipchak sezhere-keeper, “the small Omar” could hide for a long time, but when he heard that if he had not been found then his family would be taken away, he came out of the swamps. Then he got arrested, and disappeared forever together with his family and with his ancient Kazakh documents.

According to our knowledge the keepers of this Omsk sezhere was Sagyndyk Nurmaganbetov, the teacher and mullah of Celinje village (+1993), and after his death Bolat Akhmetuli Nurpeisz, the mullah of Kara Tal aul. Both of them were Magyar-Kipchaks. They used the data of the Omsk sezhere for the preparation of Kara Kipchak and Magyar Kipchak sezheres. We have no ideas, who could be the previous owner and writer of the Omsk sezhere. Another riddle, how this document could survive the hard times? Such written materials, having preserved the Kazakh past, were hidden under the floors of the houses or under stones. If the owners became victims of the terror, the precious materials were lost forever. Besides, the paper is not a long lasting material in hard circumstances. The weary state of the Omsk sezhere tells about its vicissitudinous past.

It is a great luck that the time of the creation of the Omsk sezhere can be quite exactly determined. The printing time of its paper, 1930, is on all pages of the copy-book. The Kazakhs began to use the Cyrillic alphabet in place of the Arabic one in 1935. This way we can determine the fact that the Omsk sezhere had to be created in the years of 1930–1935. It could not be written much later because – as we mentioned above – the collection and annihilation of the old Kazakh documents having kept the Kazakh national tradition went on most vehemently in 1937–1940. We must mention the calligraphic beauty of the Arabic writing on the Omsk sezhere and the clearness and good arrangement of the lines showing how the Kara-Kipchak – Sagal Kipchak, Kulan Kipchak, Magyar Kipchsk – generations were following each other. We can see two different handwritings on its pages. But it seems probable that the same person had written it, having used different pens and inks.

The predecessors of Madiar (Magyar) are the same in all official Kipchak sezheres published in the Kazakh Republic as in the handwritten sezheres collected by us in the Omsk Discrict: Kipchak–Bultung–Urais–Töbet–Madiar. The brothers of Madiar: Zhanaidar, Kosaidar, Kollatai. But the descendants of Madiar are not shown in the official Kazakh sezheres. So they cannot be used for determining when the Magyar name appeared in Kipchak environment. In contrast with this we can follow the descendants of Magyar in the Omsk Kara-Kipchak and Magyar Kipchak sezheres for 12–15 generations up to the 1930–1960 years. This fact helps us in confirming our supposition that the Magyar ethnic group joined the Kara Kipchaks not later then in the last decades of the 16^th Century, just those times when the eastern wing of the Nogay Horde joined the Kazakh Small Horde and Central Horde on the Kazakh steppes. Nogay and Russian documents prove that there were Madžar-Magyar tribes I the Nogay Horde in the 16^th–17^th Centuries [Трепавлов, 2001, 437, (text and note 7), 489, 502 (tabulation].

The precious data of the Omsk sezheres can be supported by the written history. The Kazakh army-leader of Magyar-Kipchak origin, Sarybai Batyr was a historical person who fought against the Džungarian invaders in the 20–30-ies of the 18^th Century. He lived five generations after Magyar according to the Omsk sezheres. This datum supports the supposition that the Magyar ethnic name appeared in Kipchak environment at the end of the 16^th Century, 150 years earlier then Sarybai Batyr’s time of activity.

We also collected Magyar Kipchak legends (oral history) in Western Siberia. They tell about the common origin of the Magyar-Kipchaks and of the Magyars living in the Carpathian Basin. In 2006, the following legend was told us by the widow of the previous keeper of the Omsk Kara-Kipchak sezheres, Sagyndík Nurmaganbetov (she herself had heard it from her late husband who was a great collector of all kinds of relics of the Magyar-Kipchak tradition):

We heard another, partly similar legend from Bejszenbaj Muhamedzsanov mullah and Nurgajdar Salkabajev in the village of Lоgunovka (Omsk Territory). It was told to us as follows:

These legends tell that the Magyars were separated once upon a time, A part of them stayed in the East, the other part departed for the West. The same story was told about the separation of the Magyars into Eastern and Western parts by Constantinos Potrphyrogenetos Byzantian Emperor in the 9^th Century A. D. It can be hardly imagined that the Magyar-Kipchaks living in the Omsk Territory had ever read the report of the Byzantian Emperor.

Finding such legends during field-work can be regarded as a significant success for any researcher. The “oral history” of the Steppen peoples could keep very important traditions for our days [Кушкумбаев, 2007, 70]. Besides, the Magyars of the Carpathian Basin practically had and even now have the punctual reflections of these legends which tell about their once-upon-a-time separation and departure from those Magyars who had stayed in the East. That’s why Brother Julian had been sent to find the Eastern Magyars by the Hungarian king, Béla IV in 1235, on the eve of the great Mongolian invasion against Eastern-Europe. He had found them and that time they could still speak in Hungarian with each other.